question, one must take the world as it is, and the value of exchange, the power-looms, sewing machines, railways, &c., without which we could not live, and, without the aid of capital, we could not have. It is simply absurd to depreciate the value of capital by telling us, that "it would be a mistake to attribute the simple modes of producing and exchange which are resorted to in new communities solely to a want of capital. These modes, which require little capital, are in themselves rude and inefficient, but when the conditions of such communities are considered, they will be found in reality the most efficient. It is only as they became civilized that they would care for such other capital as the civilized state requires, or that it would be of any use to them." We did not want Mr. George to tell us this, but I want you to note the value of the admission from this "anti-capitalist;" there is only one inference to be drawn, that capital is essential to civilization. The force and utility of capital lie admits, when he tells us that "a great factory, with all the latest improvements, is the most efficient instrument that has yet been devised for turning wool or cotton into cloth, but only so when large quantities are to be made." Well, in 1884, large quantities are required, and it is hardly wise to deteriorate the value of capital, by the aid of which we are able to build the factory and keep the mills going. It is playing with this great subject to tell us "that for two or three passengers a canoe is a better instrument than a steamboat; that a few sacks of flour can be transported with less expenditure of labour by a pack-horse than by a railroad train; or that to put a great stock of goods into a cross-roads store in the backwoods would be