or the other who has invested it judiciously, lived thoughtfully and frugally, and reserved seed for the next year's harvest? There cannot be a doubt to which class society is the most indebted; yet we are asked to believe that "capitalists are robbers." I reply, that the "robbers" are those who have lived up to, or beyond, their income, without giving a thought to the time that will come to all men when they will not be able to earn their daily bread. The "sufferings of the poor" give scope for the pity that delights to parade itself in vulgar oratorical finery; so few can detect that it is mere rant, not from the heart or head, but the only object to court the applause of the moment by contrasting Lazarus with Dives, and the rights of the people. The men we want to guide this social reformation are those with brain power enough to understand the laws of national progress; men who realize the truth that, for the good of the State, the welfare of all classes must be sought in concert-that the prosperity of the poor does not mean the poverty of the rich, or the wealth of the rich the poverty of the poor; all these appeals to prejudice and class opposition multiply instead of getting rid of obstacles.

Statesmen and politicians in their speeches say, "this or that ought to be done" by the State to remedy the poverty that exists; men like Mr. Chamberlain say, "that the condition of the agricultural labourer must be bettered." In the same spirit he said "that the system of taxation must be altered, so as to apportion the burden to the backs that had to bear it." Both statements mere clap-trap; but, unfortunately, the wish being father to the thought, the working class audience applaud to the echo a speech that indirectly intimates that "taxation